Showing posts with label SCOTUS. Show all posts
Showing posts with label SCOTUS. Show all posts

Sunday, December 29, 2013

UTAH: State GOP To Spend $2M On Outside Counsel To Fight Gay Marriage

Utah House Speaker Becky Lockhart (R-Duh) says that the state GOP is willing to spend $2M to fight same-sex marriage before the Supreme Court, if necessary.
"We need the best we can get," House Speaker Becky Lockhart, R-Provo, said after a House GOP leadership meeting Friday with newly named Attorney General Sean Reyes. "He's coming into this, frankly, in the middle." Reyes laid out his case for bringing in help to seek a stay from the U.S. Supreme Court of last Friday's ruling striking down Amendment 3, a decision resulting in same-sex marriage being allowed in Utah. He has said he also intends to use the outside counsel to bolster the state's appeal of U.S. District Judge Robert Shelby's ruling to the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals and possibly to the Supreme Court. After hearing Reyes' strategy and the projected cost, Lockhart said the House Republican majority leadership "felt comfortable telling him, 'Move forward with what you think is in the best interest of the state.' "
Lockhart: "To go through the court process on an issue that, on a 2-to-1 vote the people of our state felt was important to have in our constitution, I think is of value."

Saturday, December 28, 2013

HomoQuotable - Robert Oscar Lopez

"Since GLAAD placed me on their blacklist, no secular media outlet has invited me on its show in the United States. In-depth interviews with me have been broadcast in Chile, Russia, France, Ireland, and a number of other nations. In the United States, Christian broadcasters like the American Family Association and Frank Sontag's 'Faith and Reason' show in Los Angeles have interviewed me. And I'd been interviewed, prior to the GLAAD blacklisting, by Minnesota affiliates of NBC, CBS, Fox, and NPR, as well as a number of newspapers. Since GLAAD's blacklisting, none. Prior to GLAAD's blacklisting, I had received calls from people at universities discussing their interest in having me come to campus and give speeches. Three were working with me to set up dates. Since GLAAD's blacklisting, none. Those who had discussed this with me said point-blank that their superiors did not want to create controversy. That is the power of GLAAD." - Anti-gay activist Robert Oscar Lopez, writing for American Thinker.

RELATED: In addition to appearing on stage at an anti-gay Manif Pour Tous rally in France, Lopez has testified against LGBT equality before several state legislatures and he co-signed an anti-gay homocon brief to the Supreme Court.  You really must read the Media Matters take on Lopez' trilogy of gay erotica.

Friday, December 27, 2013

HRC Vs Utah

Via press release from the Human Rights Campaign:
This afternoon, we learned via a statement from the AG's office that Utahns may soon be on the hook for millions in legal fees to defend discrimination. According to the statement, an appeal to the Supreme Court will be delayed so that the office can hire and consult with outside counsel, all at the expense of taxpayers. No other details -- the counsel, the contracted dollar amount -- were provided. Defending discrimination is indefensible. Defending discrimination while expending millions of taxpayer dollars to do so is beyond explanation. It should be an affront to all Utahns that their hard-earned tax dollars -- dollars that should be going into schools, roads or health programs -- will instead be used to be on the wrong side of history.

Thursday, December 26, 2013

Utah Delays Marriage Appeal To SCOTUS

Many had expected Utah to rush their emergency stay request to Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor first thing this morning. But not so.
The attorney general’s office is working to prepare the appeal to the Supreme Court on the 10th Circuit’s denial of a stay. Due to the necessity of coordination with outside counsel the filing of the appeal may be delayed for a few days,” he told FOX 13′s Ben Winslow. “It is the intent of the AG’s office to file with the Supreme Court as soon as possible.” The delay means that same-sex marriages would continue to be performed in Utah until the nation’s top court decides. Justice Sotomayor, who oversees the 10th Circuit and Utah federal courts, could either grant or deny the stay, or she could ask the entire U.S. Supreme Court to decide the issue. An appeal of U.S. District Court Judge Robert Shelby’s ruling that declared Amendment 3 unconstitutional is still pending in the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals. If the Supreme Court denies Utah’s request to halt same-sex marriage licenses from being issued, those marriages would continue to happen throughout the appeals process — which could be decided by 2015.
All but one of Utah's 29 counties are issuing same-sex marriage licenses today. In that one tiny county, the clerk is on vacation.

Monday, November 25, 2013

Illinois Becomes 16th State to Legalize Same-Sex Marriage

Springfield, Illinois, the Land of Lincoln, was the site of the execution of a law making Illinois the 16th state in our Union to legalize gay marriage.  Last week, Democratic Governor Pat Quinn, writing on a desk said to be used by President Abraham Lincoln, used 100 pens to ink the law into full force and effect.

The law, officially known as the Religious Freedom and Marriage Fairness Act, takes effect June 1, 2014.  Illinois recognized "civil unions" prior to the crucial votes putting the bill over the top by state legislators earlier this month.

34 states still prohibit same-sex marriage under the law.  The practice is far from universally accepted, despite the momentum that the civil rights has garnered over the past 24-months, especially in the wake of the SCOTUS's seminal United States v Windsor decision.  The local Catholic Bishop near Springfield, IL lamented the execution of the new law with a feigned exorcism.  Really?

It will not be too long before the movement picks-up a few more states by judicial decree thanks to the Windsor decision.  Some state legislatures, on the other hand, are not planning to stray from the traditional view of marriage any time soon.

Politics and politicians being fickle, we suggest you stay tuned for further developments.

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Sunday, November 3, 2013

Ohio's Patch in the Same-Sex Marriage Quilt

Since the SCOTUS decisions in United States -v- Windsor and Hollingsworth -v- Perry last summer, the civil rights push for same-sex marriage equality has picked-up momentum throughout the country.

State legislatures and federal bureaucrats have taken action across the land, as we noted at the Law Blogger here, here, here, and here.  State and federal judges are making decisions on a variety of same-sex marriage cases in the wake of the SCOTUS rulings on the issue; check-out our post on the same-sex adoption case pending in federal court in Detroit, here.

Now Ohio has a contribution through a federal judge's ruling on Friday in a case involving who can be named on a decedent's death certificate as a surviving spouse.

The cases involve two gay couples from Cincinnati who were married in states that recognized gay marriage.  Each couple lost a partner; the surviving partner sought to be named on their decedent's death certificate for practical purposes such as burial, as well as for symbolic reasons.

The funeral director was added strategically as a plaintiff; his attorneys requested that the chief of Ohio's health department be ordered to instruct all funeral directors and coroners to list same-sex surviving spouses on death certificates.  Attorneys for the State of Ohio sought to have the funeral director removed as a party to the civil rights litigation.

The federal judge's ruling is significant to the extent that it allowed the funeral director to remain a party in the case thereby making the judge's ultimate decision in the case applicable to all same-sex married couples in Ohio and other states.

Regardless of the final decision of the federal district court judge in this case, like the same-sex adoption case currently pending here in Michigan, these matters will be appealed to the United States Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals and then, possibly on to the SCOTUS.  We here at the Law Blogger see these separate cases, percolating up from adjacent states at the same time, as potential for consolidation when and if they are considered by the SCOTUS in the not-so-distant future.

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Saturday, October 19, 2013

New Jersey Supreme Court Allows Interim Same-Sex Marriages

The same-sex marriage issue is unfolding differently throughout the states of our union.  Here it comes, Jersey-style.

Despite New Jersey Governor Chris Christie's recent veto of the NJ legislature's approval of same-sex marriage, the High Court of that state has unanimously rejected Governor Christie's attempt to temporarily stay the application of a recent court ruling that overrode Christie's veto.  Consequently, same-sex marriage licenses will be issued in New Jersey starting on Monday.

We are seeing county judges getting more active in this civil rights movement.  In Jersey, for example, at least one judge, with many more in the wings, declared Governor Christies' veto unconstitutional in light of the SCOTUS Windsor decision. 

Governor Christie applied to the NJ Supreme Court to stay the legality of any same-sex marriage until that Court decides case on its merits in January.  If the unanimous 7-0 decision is any indication, it would appear that the New Jersey will become the 14th state in the union to allow same-sex marriages.

In a classic compromise indicative of his aspirations to occupy the White House, Governor Christie publicly approves civil unions, legal in New Jersey since 2007.  Gay couples roundly reject such middle ground, however, viewing such status as the modern equivalent to our national experiment with "separate but equal" legislation in the mid-20th Century.

We here at the Law Blogger view this issue as the civil rights issue of our era and will be tracking the issue throughout the nation.  In the process, it provides interesting insight into the machinery of our government and judiciary.

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Sunday, October 13, 2013

SCOTUS Again Considers the Role of Race in Michigan's Public Universities

By:  Timothy P. Flynn

This week, the SCOTUS will hear oral arguments from the Michigan Solicitor General, John J. Bursch, and Detroit lawyer George Washington in the affirmative action case of Schuette -v- Coalition to Defend Affirmative Action.  This case tests whether Michigan's public universities can ban race considerations altogether in the college admissions process.

This case represents the "flip-side" of the college admissions cases that have made it up to the High Court over the past two decades.  Instead of deciding whether a state actor [i.e. a public college or university admissions board] can take race into account relative to dispensing a public service, this case considers whether the state can, through a voter initiated law, outright ban race as a consideration in the dispensing of the public service.

Michigan Attorney General Bill Schuette seeks to uphold Proposition 2, a voter initiative that passed by 58% in the 2006 general election, which outright bans any public use of preferential treatment based on race, color, national origin or ethnicity.  Just last spring, SCOTUS decided the Fischer case from Texas which held that race could be given some deference in the admission process of a public university, but the school's criterion was to be subjected to "strict scrutiny" if challenged in a court.

Now our High Court is moving on to the pointed and specific question of whether a state can ban race altogether as a college selection criteria.  The Supreme Court's repeated consideration of cases involving race-based public university admission has a long history with several stops here in Michigan.

 In 2003, SCOTUS released two decisions stemming from admissions policies of the University of Michigan: one involving the law school, the other concerned UM's undergraduate admission policy.  In the law school admissions case, the Court ruled that a publicly funded law school could make a limited use of race in their  admissions decisions.  In the undergraduate case, however, SCOTUS struck down an admissions policy that relied too heavily on race factors.

In addition to the contradictory rulings arising out of Michigan's public universities, the federal appellate circuits, the 9th Circuit in particular [San Fransisco, CA], are conflict-laden on the affirmative action question.  As is so often the case, SCOTUS will attempt to set the matter straight once and for all by resolving the conflict within the federal appellate circuits.

For SCOTUS to do so, the spotlight will once again focus on Justice Anthony Kennedy; the so-called swing vote.  Only 8 justices will partake in this case as Justice Elena Kagan has recused herself, presumably due to her involvement in the case when she was the United States Solicitor General.

If Proposal 2 is held to be constitutional as the Michigan Attorney General argues [Schuette says there's nothing more equal than equality], then affirmative action is effectively dead in the water here in Michigan and, eventually, in other states.  On the other hand, if Proposal 2 is struck as unconstitutional then the admissions policies of our public colleges and universities will continue to receive "strict scrutiny" from the courts, but race would continue to be a factor in the admissions equation.

Weighty stuff, to be sure...

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Monday, September 9, 2013

Veterans' Benefits and Same-Sex Marriage

As summer concludes and the federal bureaucracy returns to their Washington offices, the fall-out from SCOTUS' United States v Windsor decision continues.  The latest example of bright-line policy declarations comes from Eric Holder, the U.S. Attorney General, regarding veterans benefits for same-sex couples.

In his letter last week to House Speaker John Boehner, the AG instructs Congress that the Executive Branch will no longer be enforcing various sections of federal law dealing with benefits to veterans and their spouses.  To the extent that the targeted portions of the statute mirrored definitions of a married couple as defined in the Defense of Marriage Act, they are stricken.

The effect of this new policy is to open up the availability of federal benefits to same-sex spouses of service members, both active duty and reserves.  Citing the Fifth Amendment's equal protection clause, as well as a recent federal judge's decision that the targeted provisions of the federal veterans benefits statute were unconstitutional on 5th Amendment equal protection grounds, Holder advised Congress that enforcement of these provisions were no longer appropriate.  In doing so, he also remarked that instances where the Executive Branch cannot enforce federal law are, "appropriately rare."

All of these policy pronouncements coming out of Washington over the past few months points to the massive task of re-writing a significant portion of the United States Code in light of the demise of DOMA, and in favor of valid same-sex marriages.  We here at the Law Blogger, while recognizing the significant gains this civil rights struggle has made, have to wonder how well-accepted these new federal laws and regulations will be across the board and throughout the country.

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Tuesday, September 3, 2013

Same-Sex Marriage: State Legislatures to County Family Courts

Here come the lawsuits.  In the wake of the SCOTUS ruling in June striking down same-sex marriage bans and granting federal benefits to same-sex married couples, many couples are finding their way to court houses across the country.

Most states that have what could be called "gay-friendly" legislatures, something that we would expect changes over time, have already passed laws specifically granting gay couples the right to marry in a dozen states.  So the strategy among proponents of the notion of gay marriage has shifted from the state capitols to the county courthouses.

In Santa Fe County, NM, for example, a family court judge ordered the county clerk's office to issue marriage licenses to couples without regard to their gender or sexual orientation, ruling within a brief hearing that doing so was now unconstitutional.  At the time of this blog post, 7 counties in New Mexico have followed suit.

In neighboring Texas, the Supreme Court has scheduled oral arguments for November in two cases where same-sex married couples were granted divorces from Texas county family courts.  The Texas Attorney General has intervened in the divorce proceedings, asserting the divorces issued by the family courts are invalid because they implicitly recognize same-sex marriage; something proscribed by Texas law.

Cases in Tennessee and Kentucky are also percolating through the state courts, testing state laws proscribing same-sex marriage.  In one of the several cases pending in Kentucky, one-half of a same-sex married couple is on trial for murder and the issue in the court is whether his "better-half" can be compelled to testify, or whether he should be granted spousal immunity.

In another high-profile case from Franklin County, Kentucky, a same-sex couple filed suit against the Governor on grounds that Kentucky's outright constitutional ban of same-sex marriages violates the Equal Protection clauses of the U.S. and Kentucky constitutions.  This is the same issue that was decided in California in the SCOTUS Windsor case.

Currently, there are too many same-sex marriage cases to track unless you are a law professor or law student writing a law review article on the subject.  Unlike the SCOTUS' 1973 Roe v Wade decision, considered the height of judicial activism, which created a sweeping constitutional ban on anti-abortion legislation, last term's same-sex marriage decision adopted a state-by-state approach.

While the momentum toward recognition of same-sex marriage as a civil right has gained steam since we here at the Law Blogger picked-up on the issue back in 2009, it will take at least a quarter century for the current dust to settle.  At least that is our prediction.

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Friday, August 30, 2013

IRS Recognizes Same-Sex Marriage

By: Timothy P. Flynn

Yesterday, in the wake of the momentous SCOTUS decision in June striking down DOMA as unconstitutional, the all-powerful Internal Revenue Service formally announced recognition of same-sex marriages for all income, gift and estate tax purposes.  While same-sex couples must be legally married, they do not need to reside in a state that recognizes such marriages at the time of the tax filing.

In announcing the new IRS ruling, the Department of Treasury stated:
Under the ruling, same sex couples will be treated as married for all federal tax purposes, including income and gift and estate taxes. The ruling applies to all federal tax provisions where marriage is a factor, including filing status, claiming personal and dependency exemptions, taking the standard deduction, employee benefits, contributing to an IRA, and claiming the earned income tax credit or child tax credit.
The IRS also made clear, however, that same-sex unions, domestic partnerships, or other similar formal relationships will not be recognized for tax purposes.

One immediate benefit of the new policy is that legally married same-sex couples can seek tax refunds by filing amended returns for the years 2010, 2011, and 2012.  Additionally, empolyees who are in a legally recognized same-sex marriage that purchased spousal health insurance coverage from their employers can now exclude the insurance premiums from their taxable income.

The policy ruling certainly provides clarity on fiscal issues that have plagued same-sex marriages for decades. Treasury's press release provides coherent tax filing guidance for contributing tax payers that happen to be in same-sex marriages; now such couples can attain the benefits and protections to which every tax-paying citizen is entitled.

To date, 12 states recognize such marriages with several more that appear to be on the way.  While most state legislatures are getting around to addressing the issue of same-sex marriage, either through constitutional amendments banning such marriages, or through legislation recognizing them, New Mexico is addressing the issue through its judges on a county-by-county basis.  This will be the topic of the next Law Blogger post.

Refunds:
If you wish to apply for an income tax refund, use IRS Form 1040X Amended Individual Income Tax Return; refunds from estate or gift tax payments; use Form 843 Claim for Refund and Request for Abatement.  Good luck.

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Sunday, August 25, 2013

SCOTUS and High Court Activism

Ruth Bader Ginsburg in 1953
By: Timothy P. Flynn

Three years ago, when sworn into the SCOTUS Bar in Washington, D.C., I was lucky enough to get a seat toward the front of the Court's chamber to observe the nine Justices, all still on the court today, up-close and personal. Literally, to the far left on the bench was a diminutive woman; Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

Appointed in 1993 under President Clinton, Justice Ginsburg just recently turned 80. When I saw her listen as the High Court's newest opinions were read to the gathered public a few years ago, she was slouched over in her big black leather chair as if asleep.  Later in the session, I realized she was listening closely and taking notes.

At 80, Justice Ginsburg is sharp, on her game, and regularly in the legal news.  Physically, while she admitted wistfully to the New York Times that her "water-skiing" days are over, she is a  proud survivor of cancer [twice] who has maintained a clean bill of health from the National Institute of Health; the NIH tracks her soundness very closely.

SCOTUS retirement politics runs in cycles across the decades, as Justices age and retire or, rarely, die on the bench like Justice William Rehnquist in 2005.  In the late 1990s, for example, rumors circulated every fall about the health of Justice William Brennan, Jr. who remained on the bench well into his eighties.

It seems that when a Justice hits 80, with a president in the White House that has compatible jurisprudential views, legal scholars and politicians of the same bent emphasize the significance of a compatico-appointment; get while the gettin's good, so to speak.  This is now happening to Justice Ginsburg who, amid a growing chorus to step-aside, states publicly that having a Democrat in the White House will not factor into her decision when to retire.

Justice Ginsburg went on a bit of a publicity tour this spring, giving speeches and interviews to Tier One law schools, lawyers' groups and newspapers on the seminal decisions of the 2012 term.  Of particular note, Justice Ginsburg commented on the same-sex marriage DOMA decision, saying she did not think SCOTUS should create a constitutional right to gay marriage, like the High Court did with abortion in Roe v Wade in 1973; far too activist she says.

A little-known secret to those outside the legal industry is that Justices do not always pan-out according to the hopes and wishes of the President that appoints them.  President Regan's appointment of Justice Anthony Kennedy, the centrist on the current SCOTUS, is the most notable example of recent decades.

Not so with Justice Ginsburg.  President Clinton knew her liberal roots were sunk deep and she has not disappointed.  Justice Kennedy's "swing-vote" centrism, and Justice Ginsburg's senior liberalism is what gives the current Court it's 5-4 flavor on the seminal cases it has been deciding over the past few years.

Every fall, as the High Court begins its work of listening to the oral arguments of the selected cases, and drafting the decisions opinions, there is perennial commentary about the degree of activism of the Court. According to Justice Ginsburg, the Roberts' Court is among the most activist she has seen during her tenure on the bench.

Liberals fear that unless Justice Ginsburg steps-down soon, a Republican President may likely have the opportunity of appointing a conservative justice mid-decade.  These are the ways politics affect our delicate social fabric on the major legal issues of our time.

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Saturday, August 10, 2013

Social Security Administration and Same-Sex Marriage

There have been, and no doubt will continue to be, some interesting legal developments in the wake of the landmark SCOTUS same-sex marriage decisions from June.  This post details a recent policy adaptation emanating from the Social Security Administration in reaction to the landmark case.

Now known as a "Windsor Same Sex Marriage Claim" in the SSA's Program Operations Manual System, a same-sex couple may apply for social security benefits so long as:
  • the applicant couple were married in a state that permits same-sex marriage; and
  • the couple is domiciled at the time of the application for benefits in a state recognizing same-sex marriage.
BuzzFeed Politics reporter Chris Geidner characterizes this new policy as the federal government's first significant implementation of the SCOTUS' Windsor decision, striking-down the Defense of Marriage Act and its, er, traditional definition of marriage.  According to Geidner, applicants that were legally married in a state that recognizes same-sex marriage, but are domiciled in a state that does not recognize such marriages at the time they apply for benefits, have their benefit applications placed on hold status.

In limbo with the SSA; that's not where you want to be if you've worked for, and are entitled to benefits.  We here at the Law Blogger agree with Stanford Law Fellow William Baude's take on the issue, for the Volokh Conspiracy blog:
But the [SSA's policy] decision has the unfortunate effect of ensuring that same-sex couples will be married for some federal purposes and not for others. My view is that one of the important attributes of marriage as a legal matter is the way it functions as a cross-cutting and trans-substantive. [sic]  So this is not a good thing. This should be a reminder that Congress really ought to step up and enact a choice of law rule, but I am not holding my breath. [Brackets supplied.]
Baude suggests another class of applicants potentially entitled to benefits; civil unions.  Lots of litigation will go down before the line eventually gets drawn.  And if the federal coffers are not to be depleted, there must be a line somewhere.

Until then, we will be looking for the significant cases to emerge from the federal courts that navigate the tricky intersection of same-sex marriages and social security.

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Thursday, July 25, 2013

SCOTUS to Consider Marijuana Reclassification

By: Timothy P. Flynn

This case, Americans for Safe Access vs USDEA, has been percolating through the federal court system for more than a decade.  Now that the Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit declined to reclassify marijuana as a Schedule 1 drug [i.e. high potential for abuse with no verified medical benefits], the pot lobby has filed a petition for a writ of certiorari with the SCOTUS.

As readers of the Law Blogger are aware, one of the chief tensions between states that have legalized marijuana or have approved initiatives for medical marijuana, has been the persistent and long-standing classification of marijuana as a Schedule 1 drug in the federal Controlled Substances Act.

The DEA's response to the pot lobby's petition for cert is due mid-August.  This case will hopefully be taken-up by SCOTUS and decided on the merits.  That way, those in the pot growing industry will know where they stand.  Other the other hand, many legal scholars would argue that it is not for the justices to legislate but rather, that is the job of the Legislature.

Even if marijuana remains on Schedule 1 at the conclusion of this epic litigation, it nevertheless appears that plenty of entrepreneurs will continue risking their time, money and even their freedom to grow and distribute pot.

Perhaps the basic economic laws of supply and demand are among the strongest and most enduring of all.  Apparently, there is an unlimited demand for marijuana out there on Main Street and a healthy supply of folks willing to satisfy that demand.

www.waterfordlegal.com



Monday, July 8, 2013

Last Words From Death Row

By: Timothy P. Flynn

This post is straight from Texas, our most prolific death penalty state.  Texas has executed over 800 death row inmates since the SCOTUS ruled in 1976 that the death penalty was not cruel and unusual punishment after all.

A typical death house drill includes the condemned selecting and consuming one last meal and, just prior to execution, is provided an opportunity to make a statement.  In Texas, these statements have been posted to this Texas Department of Corrections link, along with a brief summary of the inmate's capital conviction.

Fascinating stuff, to be sure.  Some of the most hardened inmates decline comment.  Others make one last assertion of innocence.  Invocations of Allah and Jesus abound; saying goodbye to family and loved ones, promising to wait for them on the other side; exhortations to the system that crushed them and to the brothers they left behind on the row.

Charles Thomas O'Reilly, the recently retired warden of the Huntsville Unit, the prison that houses the death house, presided over 140 executions; the most in Texas history.

The death penalty is and has always been a divisive issue in America.  32 states have death penalty sentencing statutes to the 18 that have banned such punishment, including, most recently, New York, and New Jersey in 2007, and Illinois in 2009.

In the 1972 case of Furman v Georgia, the SCOTUS suspended capital punishment on the basis of the 8th Amendment bar against cruel and unusual punishment.  Then four years later, SCOTUS reinstated capital punishment for murder convictions, provided a trial was bifurcated into two segments: a guilt phase, and a punishment phase where the trier of fact gives separate and specific consideration to the punishment and the convicted defendant has the opportunity to present evidence on mitigation.

Last week, Kimberly McCarthy was executed in Texas.  She was the 500th person in Texas to be executed since it resumed executions in 1982, and the 13th woman to be executed in the United States since the 1976 resumption of the death penalty.

Back in 1998, Karla Faye Tucker was another infamous female death row inmate at the Huntsville Unit.  She was the subject of the book Crossed Over.

Truly, do not mess with Texas.  Texans are willing to walk the fine line between the fair and the harsh.

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Sunday, July 7, 2013

The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court

By: Timothy P. Flynn

A secret court; something very offensive to our Democracy.  Even as lawyers, we here at the Law Blogger had never heard of such a stealth tribunal until Edward Snowden blew the whistle on one of its rulings [i.e. the FISA Court's "classified" order to turn over all of Verizon's phone tracing data to the NSA].

Actually, the FISA Court has been around since the 1978 passage of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act.  Following the September 11th terrorist attacks on our country back in 2001, FISA has been repeatedly amended, primarily through the Patriot Act.

Not surprisingly, since 9/11, FISA has expanded steadily along with the powers of the FISA Court.  The Bush Administration based its warrantless wiretapping practice on FISA; the Obama Administration, to the surprise of many of its supporters, has not only continued the program, but expanded the scope of electronic surveillance to apparently everyone in America.

The Edward Snowden case has shined a light on the 11-member FISA Court.  What that light has shown is that the secret court has evolved from providing quick case-by-case rulings on electronic surveillance scenarios, to building a body of "classified" constitutional decisions that are now hefting the weight of judicial precedent; all without a scintilla of public scrutiny.

We here at the Law Blogger would like to know:  who is on this secret court?  What decisions are they making that may affect our right to privacy?  And do we even still have a right to privacy while connected to the internet or connected to a cell phone?

The FISA Court's recent classified decisions have become so constitutionally significant that a recent NYT article compares the secret court to a "parallel Supreme Court".

One example of the shrouded jurisprudence emanating from the FISA Court is the application of the "special needs" exception to the warrant requirement of the 4th Amendment in terrorism cases.  Normally, law enforcement cannot conduct a search or seizure of a person without a warrant based on probable cause.

In 1989, SCOTUS created the "special needs" exception to the 4th Amendment's warrant requirement in the context of public transportation.  SCOTUS ruled that public railway workers could be drug-tested by the government without a warrant on the basis that the minimal privacy intrusion of the worker was superseded by the need for public transportation safety.

Apply this logic to the modern terrorism cases, and any matter that evokes our "national security" opens the door for the FISA Court to invoke the "special needs" exception.  This fast-expanding exception is now poised to swallow the 4th Amendment's warrant requirement whole.

Although we do not get to read the secret court's decisions, from which there is a very limited and rarely used appeal process, we are told -via the NYT- that a sturdy pillar of jurisprudence and precedent has arisen from the FISA Court: the collection of Metadata does not offend the 4th Amendment.

Well, ok, if the Star Chamber says so.  But we here at the Law Blogger thought that ours was an adversarial justice system characterized by thesis, antithesis, and synthesis.

Post Script: October 15, 2013 - The FISA has given the green light in several of its recent cases for the NSA to continue to collect cell phone use data on U.S. Citizens.  We wonder if our emails are also subject to NSA scrutiny...

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Thursday, June 20, 2013

SCOTUS: Your Silence Can Be Used Against You

We here at the Law Blogger have some friends among the ranks of state prosecutors and law enforcement.  From time to time, we are treated to the "nuts-and-bolts" of the cold-case process from these professionals.

This post involves the ultimate resolution of a cold murder case and the result of that case now affects all citizens in their [hopefully occasional] interactions with law enforcement.  SCOTUS ruled yesterday that the silence of an accused, during questioning from the police, can be used against the suspect at his trial unless the person affirmatively asserts his Fifth Amendment right to remain silent.

In Salinas v Texas, the defendant was voluntarily discussing the 1992 murders of two brothers when he accompanied police to the station.  He was not under arrest at the time, and continued to discuss his knowledge of the circumstances of the murders at the police station; no Miranda warnings were supplied advising him of his constitutional right to remain silent.

After answering all the detectives' questions, Mr. Salinas suddenly fell silent when asked whether the shot gun casings found at the murder scene matched his shotgun.  His demeanor turned clammy and nervous; Salinas clammed-up.

Now, normally, your silence cannot be used against you in court.  In this case, however, Salinas' trial featured evidence from police testimony about his demeanor and silence during the shotgun line of questions at the police station.

The now-convicted double murder defendant appealed his case all the way to the SCOTUS and just lost yesterday.  Each of us lost a little sliver of our 5th Amendment right to remain silent along with Salinas' affirmed conviction.

The plurality decision in this case seems to split a hair relative to our constitutional rights while being interviewed or, by extension, interrogated by law enforcement.  SCOTUS held in this case that, in order to invoke his constitutional right to remain silent, Salinas had to affirmatively assert his right to silence.  Since he did not do so while discussing the murders with the police, his conviction was affirmed.

The lesson in all this: ordinary citizens must keep-up with the nuances in the law in order to properly assert their constitutional rights.  Put another way: with regard to our right to silence, this ruling takes a "use it or lose it" approach.

Michigan Connection:  now-retired Wayne County Assistant Prosecutor and appellate specialist [i.e. legend] Timothy Baughman filed as an amicus on behalf of Wayne County.

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Wednesday, June 5, 2013

SCOTUS Close to Decision on Same-Sex Marriage Cases

This is a guest post from Wayne State Law Professor Robert Sedler who, from time to time, breaks down the constitutional aspects of some of the weighty cases we follow over here at the Law Blogger.

The United States Supreme Court is considering two cases presenting constitutional challenges to bans on same sex marriage. Decisions in these cases are expected in the next few weeks as the High Court concludes the current term. 

In both cases there are procedural issues relating to standing - a matter that goes to the constitutional jurisdiction of a federal court to hear a case or an appeal.  Depending on how the Court resolves the procedural issues, it may not reach the merits in either or both cases.

In hearing the oral arguments in both cases, the Court separated the argument on the standing issue from the argument on the merits. Moreover, neither case directly presents the question of whether a ban on same-sex marriage is unconstitutional across the board.  If the Court limits itself to deciding the precise constitutional issues presented in both cases, it will not have definitively resolved the question of whether a ban on same sex marriage is unconstitutional.

In Hollingsworth v Perry, 671 F.3d 1052 (9th Cir. 2012), the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals held that where the California Constitution was interpreted by the Supreme Court of California as guaranteeing the right to marry to opposite-sex and same-sex couples alike, and the voters of California then adopted Proposition 8, which amended the California Constitution to eliminate the right of same sex couples to marry, that amendment violated the Fourteenth Amendment’s equal protection clause. This was because the Court concluded that the amendment served no purpose and had no effect other than to lessen the status and dignity of gay and lesbian persons in California, and to officially reclassify their relationships and families as inferior to those of opposite sex couples.

In this case, after the District Court ruled in favor of the plaintiffs challenging the ban on same sex marriage, the Governor and Attorney-General refused to appeal. Under California law, the official sponsors of the ban were authorized to defend it in court, and the Ninth Circuit held that the official sponsors of the ban had standing to take the appeal.

The SCOTUS must first decide whether the official sponsors of the ban have standing to take the appeal. If the Supreme Court concludes that they do not have standing to take the appeal, the result will be that the decision of the District Court holding the ban unconstitutional stands, and same sex marriage will now be legal in California.

If the Court concludes that they do have standing to take the appeal, the Court will reach the merits.  It could affirm the decision of the Ninth Circuit on the narrow ground of that decision, relating to the taking away of the right to same sex marriage by the amendment to the state constitution. That decision would apply only to California. Or it could accept the argument of the official sponsors that the voters of California did not deny equal protection to same sex couples when it made the determination to preserve traditional marriage between a man and a woman as the sole basis for marriage in the state. Or the Court could render a decision going beyond the issue presented in that case and hold that the equal protection clause prohibits the state from limiting the right to marry to opposite sex couples and denying it to same sex couples.

In United States v Windsor, 699 F.3d 169 (2d Cir. 2012), the Second Circuit Court of Appeals held unconstitutional the federal Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), 1 U.S.C. sec. 7, which defines marriage as “only a legal union between one man and one woman,” insofar as it was applied to deny recognition for federal tax purposes to a same sex marriage that was legal under the law of the state where the same sex couple resides.

In rendering its decision, the Second Circuit held that discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation was subject to intermediate scrutiny under the “important and substantial” relationship test, and it rejected all the justifications that were asserted in defense of a ban on same sex marriage. It also noted that Congress and the Court has historically deferred to state domestic relations law.

The case presented two interrelated procedural issues. The suit was brought by a New York woman who was denied a marital tax from the federal estate tax when her spouse denied, even though the validity of their marriage was recognized by New York, the state where the couple resided. The United States defended the case in the District Court up to a point, but then declined to defend it further.

Members of the House of Representatives, referred to as the Bipartisan Legal Advisory Group of the United States House of Representatives (BLAG) intervened as a party defendant to defend DOMA. The United States switched sides to advocate that the statute be ruled unconstitutional. At the same time, the United States took the position that it would continue to enforce DOMA unless and until a federal court held that it was unconstitutional.
 
When the case came before the SCOTUS, the Court appointed an amicus curiae to argue that the Court could not hear the appeal, because there was no case or controversy within the constitutional jurisdiction of the federal courts. The United States argued that the Court should hear the appeal and hold that DOMA was unconstitutional as applied to deny recognition to a marriage that was legal under the law of the state where the couple resided, and further argued that BLAG did not have standing, because it was the responsibility of the executive branch alone to defend the constitutionality of a federal law. BLAG argued that the House of Representatives had standing to defend the constitutionality of a federal law when the executive branch agreed with the plaintiff that the law is unconstitutional.

SCOTUS must first decide whether there is a case or controversy, since the United States, represented by the Attorney-General refused to defend the suit. If the Supreme Court dismisses the appeal on the ground that there is no case or controversy, presumably the District Court would then enter a judgment for the plaintiff, since the United States has refused to defend the suit. The constitutional question would remain unresolved. The position of the United States on the appeal - that the Court should hear the appeal, but that BLAG does not have standing to defend DOMA - would require the Court to appoint an amicus curiae to defend the constitutionality of DOMA. If the Court decides to hear the appeal and further decides that BLAG has standing to defend DOMA, then the case would be ready for a determination on the merits.

The Court could hold that DOMA is unconstitutional as applied to deny federal recognition to a same sex marriage that is legal under the law of the state where the couple resided on the ground that the refusal of the federal government to recognize such a marriage would violate the state sovereignty guarantee of the Tenth Amendment.  State sovereignty, it may be noted, was the basis for that part of the Sebelius decision, holding that Congress could not compel the states to agree to the Medicaid expansion of the ACA or lose all Medicaid funding.

At the oral argument before SCOTUS, BLAG argued that federal law could define marriage for purposes of federal law differently from the way a state defined marriage for purposes of state law, and this issue took up most of BLAG’s argument.  The issue also came up at various times in the argument of the United States and of the lawyer for the plaintiff.

In a slight variation of the state sovereignty rationale, the Court could hold that it is violative of equal protection for Congress to discriminate against marriages that are legal in the state where the parties reside. This is the precise issue involved in Windsor, and the decision need go no further than that.

On the other hand, the Court could reject the federalism argument, reach the equal protection issue, (5th Amendment equal protection, because DOMA is a federal law), and hold that Congress did not deny equal protection to same sex couples when it made the determination to preserve traditional marriage between a man and a woman as the sole basis for marriage under federal law.

The possible SCOTUS outcomes may be summarized as follows:

     1) The Court resolves both cases on procedural grounds and does not hear the appeals. Same-sex    marriage is now legal in California, and Ms.Windsor gets a refund of federal estate tax.
         2)  The Court could render a narrow constitutional decision favorable to same-sex marriage in both cases. In Perry it could hold that amending the state constitution to eliminate the right of same sex couples to marry violated equal protection, and in Windsor, it could hold that the application of DOMA to deny federal recognition to a same sex marriage that is valid under the law of the state where the parties reside violates 10th Amendment state sovereignty and/or equal protection.
           3)  The Court could resolve one case on a procedural ground and the in the other case render a constitutional decision favorable to same sex marriage.

           4)  The Court could hold that a denial of the right to marry to same sex couples violates equal protection, and so protect the right to same sex marriage throughout the United States.
             5)  The Court could hold that the denial of the right to marry to same sex couples does not violate equal protection, so that the issue is removed from the constitutional equation, and whether or not same sex couples will be able to marry will depend on the law of each state.
          With this road map from Professor Sedler, we here at the Law Blogger will await this momentous decision.  Last June it was Obamacare; this June it is same-sex marriage.

          October 2013 Post Script: For readers that are interested in a personal portrait of one of the litigants behind these consolidated cases, take a look at this piece on Edith Windsor from The New Yorker.  Windsor was the litigant that successfully challenged DOMA.  The New Yorker piece details the tortured path her case took to get to the SCOTUS.

          Wednesday, May 8, 2013

          Delaware Becomes 11th Same-Sex Marriage State

          Yesterday, Delaware, our first state, became the 11th state in the Union to permit same-sex marriages.  This recent development comes as the SCOTUS decision in the Hollingsworth v Perry case is expected in a few weeks.

          The Democratic controlled state legislature approved the same-sex marriage bill yesterday by a comfortable margin in both the senate and house; Delaware Governor Jack Merkell signed the bill into law immediately.

          Just last year, Delaware officially recognized civil unions.  These days, however, legislative recognition of civil unions is largely perceived by supporters of gay marriage as a useless consolation prize.  Outright recognition of same-sex marriage has been gaining significant momentum over the past several years.

          We here at the Law Blogger have been monitoring this civil rights movement as it moves it's way across the state capitals.  Next stop: Minnesota, where the same-sex marriage issue is being hotly debated and the vote expected later this week will be very close.

          As the respective state legislatures address this issue one-by-one, legal scholars, along with the rest of us, await the SCOTUS decision addressing the constitutional dimension of this issue in the two consolidated seminal cases submitted to the High Court during the present term.

          Wednesday, May 1, 2013

          Rhode Island to Become 10th State to Allow Same-Sex Marriage

          In the next few weeks, the United States Supreme Court will decide a series of same-sex cases from Massachusetts and California.  Meanwhile, the tiny state of Rhode Island is expected to become, through the passage of legislation, the tenth state to approve same-sex marriages.

          The bill has been approved by both houses of the RI legislature; the state senate made some minor changes last week.  A procedural vote is scheduled for tomorrow and RI Governor Lincoln Chafee is expected to sign the bill into law shortly thereafter.  Once signed by Gov. Chafee, the law takes effect August 1st. 

          RI is the only New England state not to have approved same-sex marriages.  A bill has been introduced into the RI legislature every year since 1997. 

          Although civil unions were approved by the RI legislature two years ago, only a few couples have sought this status.  Last night at midnight, Colorado passed legislation approving civil unions and it's legislature is now expected to sponsor same-sex marriage legislation.

          In Iowa, the state legislature has voted to cut the salaries of the 4 justices that remain on the Iowa Supreme Court from their decision striking down a ban on same-sex marriage on grounds that the law violated Iowa's constitution.  [Note: the other three justices that were part of the unanimous 2009 decision did not make it past the 2010 state elections.]

          All this activity across the country has feed speculation among legal scholars as to what SCOTUS will do with the companion cases that were argued last month.  The consensus posits that SCOTUS will avoid a sweeping constitutional ruling along the lines of Roe v Wade and instead, will issue an opinion that the same-sex marriage issue is a matter to be decided on a state-by-state basis.

          The SCOTUS term ends on June 20th; an opinion on the same-sex marriage issue is expected between now and then.

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